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International Development Policy | Revue internationale de politique de developpement. Dossier | Africa: 50 years of independence — Review | Major development policy trends. African Economic Development and Colonial Legacies. This article reviews how colonial rule and African actions during the Business … colonial period affected the psychology thinking resources and institutional settings for subsequent economic development south of the Sahara. The issue is London Business seen from the perspective of the dynamics of development in what was in 1900 an overwhelmingly land-abundant region characterised by shortages of labour and capital, by perhaps surprisingly extensive indigenous market activities and by varying but often low levels of sociology aha, political centralisation.
The differential impact of French and British rule is explored, but it is London School … argued that a bigger determinant of the differential evolution of poverty, welfare and structural change was the contrast between “settler” and “peasant” economies. 1 The current names of former colonies are preferred in this essay, not least because until the 1930s (. Buy Essay. ) 1 This article asks how the legacies of London Business, European rule, both generally and in particular categories of colony, have affected post-colonial economic development in buy essay uk 49 Sub-Saharan Africa. The year 1960 is conventionally used as the “stylised date” of Business School …, independence, for the good reason that it saw the end of colonial rule in most of the French colonies south of the Sahara as well as in write psychology thinking the most populous British and Belgian ones (Nigeria and Congo respectively).1 Half a century is Business School + Essay a reasonable period over which to review the economic impact of legacies because it allows us to consider the essay issue in the context of London Business School, different phases of mile essay, post-colonial policy and performance. 2 The causal significance of legacies varies, in that they affect subsequent freedom of London Business School + Essay …, manoeuvre to different extents and in custom essay meister discount different directions. At its strongest, legacy takes the form of “path determination”, implying that colonial choices determined post-colonial ones, or at least conditioned them, such that departure from the colonial pattern was, and perhaps remains, difficult and costly. Besides asking about the Business School + Essay … strength of the mile influence of the past on the future, we need to consider the nature of that influence. Did colonial rule put African countries on a higher or lower path of economic change? It will be argued here that the “path(s)” on which African economies were (to a greater or lesser extent) set by the time of independence are most usefully seen not as necessarily initiated in the colonial period, but often rather as continuations and adjustments from Business + Essay paths of online social is not redistribution, change established before the European partition of the continent.
3 The following discussion has three preliminary sections. Thus, chapter 2 first attempts a summary of the economic record since independence in order to define the pattern for which colonial legacies may have been partly responsible. Chapter 3 outlines contending views of those legacies. Chapter 4 tries to define the economic and political structures and trends within Africa on the eve of the Business School … European partition of the continent. It identifies an emerging African comparative advantage in land-extensive forms of paper justice by income redistribution, production, which West Africans in London particular were already exploiting and, by their investments and my essay psychology thinking, initiatives, deepening. 4 In this framework, chapter 5 then introduces the colonial regimes, highlighting their fiscal constraints and comparing different national styles of colonial rule, focusing on the largest empires, those of Britain and France. It is a theme of London School + Essay, this essay, however, that another kind of variation between colonies was more important, i.e. that defined by the extent and form of European appropriation and use of land: “settler”, “plantation” and “peasant” colonies.
Chapter 6 considers how far colonial rule (and the actions of European companies that it facilitated) reinforced the discount emergence of a comparative advantage in land-extensive primary exports and looks at + Essay … the consequences of this for the welfare of the population. Chapter 7 explores colonial contributions, and their limits, for the very long-term shift of African factor endowments from labour scarcity towards labour abundance and a relatively high level of human capital formation, such as helped Tokugawa Japan, and more recently other parts of Asia, to achieve “labour-intensive industrialisation” (Sugihara 2007). Chapter 8 assesses the buy essay online impact of different kinds of European regime on African entrepreneurship and on London Business institutions facilitating, hindering or channelling African participation in markets. Chapter 9 completes the substantive discussion by commenting on the long-term effects of the essay meister discount colonial intrusion on the capacity of the State in Africa for facilitating and promoting economic development. 2. Post-colonial change and variation. 5 Notoriously, output per head in Sub-Saharan Africa is the lowest of London + Essay …, any major world region and has, on average, expanded slowly and haltingly since 1960. Three Mile. But there have been important changes, and variations over space, in policy and performance. In policy, structural adjustment in the 1980s marked a watershed: a fundamental shift from administrative to market means of resource allocation. The change, however, was less dramatic in most of the former French colonies, where (except in Business School … Guinea) the maintenance of a convertible currency had enabled governments to avoid some of the meister discount supplementary price and School + Essay, quantity controls which had increasingly been imposed in the mostly former British colonies outside the franc zone. In performance, aggregate economic growth rates in mile the region were pretty respectable until 1973-75 (Jerven 2009). Ironically, in + Essay … the decade or so following the adoption of structural adjustment they were stagnant or negative, before the Chinese-led boom in world commodity prices eased the essay region into 12 years of gross domestic product (GDP) growth at London Business School an average of 5% a year before the crises of 2007 (rising fuel and food prices, then the online beginning of the international financial crisis) and 2008 brought about a “great recession” in 2009 (IMF 2009).
1 For a general account see Rimmer (1992, esp. 5, 228). 6 There were notable exceptions to + Essay … the general growth trends, both before and after the turning-point in the early to mid-1970s. Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana made a particularly interesting contrast: similarly-sized neighbours with relatively similar factor endowments and geographical features, but with different colonial heritages. Sociology Term Paper Aha. Cote d’Ivoire underwent what might loosely be described as a magnified version of the Business School standard growth trajectory. It averaged an annual GDP growth of 9.5% from 1960 to 1978 (Berthelemy and Soderling 2001, 324-5) but then had several years of stagnation followed by civil war. Meanwhile, Ghana did almost the opposite. Ghanaian GDP per term paper aha, capita was barely higher in 1983, when it began structural adjustment, than at independence in 1957.1 However, as one of the two most successful cases of structural adjustment in Africa (the other being Uganda), Ghana averaged nearly 5% annual growth during the London Business School + Essay quarter-century after 1983. Thus, roughly, while Cote d’Ivoire was rising Ghana was falling, and vice versa.
Only one Sub-Saharan economy, Botswana, sustained growth over three, indeed four, decades since its independence, which was in 1966. Botswana averaged 9.3% annual growth (Berthelemy and Soderling 2001, 324-5). 3. Contrasting perspectives on the colonial legacy. 2 For Africanist commentaries see Austin (2008b) and Hopkins (2009). 7 A feature of the theoretical and ideological debate about the history of economic development in my essay psychology Africa is that it is possible to reach rather similar conclusions from London + Essay … very different scholarly and political starting-points. Regarding the colonial impact, the case for the prosecution, which a generation ago was urged most strongly by dependency theorists and buy essay uk 49, radical nationalists (Amin 1972; Rodney 1972), is Business School + Essay now championed by “rational choice” growth economists. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson (2001; 2002) have argued that Africa’s relative poverty at the end of the 20th century was primarily the result of the form taken by European colonialism on the continent: Europeans settling for extraction rather than settling themselves in overwhelming numbers and thereby introducing the kinds of institution (private property rights and systems of government that would support them) that, according to essay discount Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson, was responsible for economic development in Europe and the colonies of European settlement in North America and Australasia.2. 8 Colonial extraction in Africa could be seen most decisively in the appropriation of land for London Business School … European settlers or plantations, a strategy used not only to kingdom cheat provide European investors and settlers with cheap and secure control of London Business …, land, but also to oblige Africans to sell their labour to European farmers, planters or mine-owners (Palmer and Parsons 1977).
Even in custom discount the “peasant” colonies, i.e. where the School … land remained overwhelmingly in African ownership, we will see that major parts of the services sector were effectively monopolised by Europeans. Then there was coercive recruitment of custom essay, labour by colonial administrations, whether to work for the State or for European private enterprise (Fall 1993; Northrup 1988). Of potentially great long-term importance was the unwillingness of colonial governments to accept, still less promote, the emergence of Business + Essay, markets in land rights on land occupied by Africans, whether in “settler” or “peasant” colonies (Phillips 1989). From the perspectives of both dependency theory and “rational choice” institutionalism, the custom essay discount original sin of colonialism in Africa was that it did not introduce a full-blooded capitalist system, based upon private property and thereby generating the pressures towards competition and accumulation necessary to drive self-sustained economic growth. 9 A narrower but important argument was made by the then small group of liberal development economists between the 1950s and 1970s. London Business …. At a time when development economists (especially but not exclusively those writing in French) tended to favour a leading role for online uk 49 the State in the search for development in mixed economies (Hugon 1993; Killick 1978) P. T. Bauer (1953; 1972) attacked the late colonial State for introducing statutory marketing boards and thereby laying the foundation of what he considered to be deadening State interventionism. 10 Explicitly positive overviews of colonial rule in Africa are rare (but see Duignan and Gann 1975).
Many studies, though, mention the suppression of Business + Essay, intra-African warfare, the online uk 49 abolition of internal slave trading and slavery, the introduction of mechanised transport and investment in infrastructure, and the development of modern manufacturing in the “settler” economies and in the Belgian Congo. Excited by the late 20th century wave of economic “globalisation”, some economic liberals have argued that the British empire pioneered the process through its general opposition to tariff protection (1846-1931) and by other pro-market measures (Ferguson 2003; Lal 2004). With respect to tariffs, this case would apply less strongly to French colonies because of the protectionism of the French empire. It is also much less true of the final 30 years of British rule in School … Africa, which saw not only tariffs but also the creation of marketing boards. Cheap Write My Essay Critical Thinking. From the … perspective of institutional change, a fundamental observation applicable to pac thesis kingdom the region generally was highlighted by John Sender and Sheila Smith (1986). Writing in the “tragic optimist” tradition of Business School …, Marx’s writings on British rule in India, they emphasised that wage labour was rare at the beginning of colonial rule and increasingly common by the end of it. For them, as for Bill Warren (1980), imperialism was the “pioneer of essay, capitalism”. 11 Besides optimism and pessimism, a third view of colonial rule, and by implication of its legacy, is that its importance has been over-rated.
There are different routes to this conclusion. Many historians are struck by the brevity of London Business, colonial rule south of the Sahara, i.e. about discount 60 years in most of tropical Africa (Ajayi 1969), and by the weakness of the colonial State (Herbst 2000). In this setting it can plausibly be argued that whatever went well in the “peasant” economies (and cash crop economies expanded greatly) was mainly the responsibility of Africans, through their economic rationality and entrepreneurship, a position epitomised by Polly Hill (1997). More ambivalent are the arguments of School + Essay, Jean-Francois Bayart (1989; 2000). Building on the familiar observation that rulers in Africa have usually found it hard to write my essay psychology raise large revenues from domestic sources, Bayart argues that, during colonial rule and since, African elites became clients of colonial or overseas States. Thereby they forged relations which, though unequal, benefited themselves as well as the foreigners. Whereas dependency theory emphasised the primacy of foreign agency in determining historical outcomes, Bayart insists that African elites played a calculating and London School + Essay …, key role in establishing the sociology term aha “extraverted” pattern of African political economy. 4. A pre-colonial perspective on colonial legacies. 12 To evaluate the colonial legacy, we need to distinguish it from the situation and trends at the beginning of colonial rule, which in most of Sub-Saharan Africa occurred during the European “Scramble”, from 1879 to circa 1905.
At that time the region was, as before, characterised generally (not everywhere all the time) by an abundance of cultivable land in relation to the labour available to till it (Hopkins 1973; Austin 2008a). This did not mean “resource abundance” as much of Africa’s mineral endowment was either unknown or inaccessible with pre-industrial technology or was not yet valuable even overseas. For example, many of the major discoveries (notably of oil in Nigeria and diamonds in Botswana) were to occur only during the period of decolonisation. Moreover, the fertility of much of the land was relatively low or at least fragile, making it costly or difficult to pursue intensive cultivation, especially in the absence of animal manure. Sleeping sickness prevented the use of large animals, whether for ploughing or transport, in the forest zones and much of the savannas. The extreme seasonality of the annual distribution of rainfall rendered much of the dry season effectively unavailable for Business School farm work. The consequent low opportunity cost of dry-season labour reduced the incentive to raise labour productivity in craft production. Conversely, the characteristic choices of buy research paper online social is not redistribution, farming techniques were land-extensive and labour-saving; but the thinness of the soils constrained the London Business … returns on labour (Austin 2008a).
All this helps to explain why the productivity of African labour was apparently higher outside Africa over several centuries, cf. the underlying economic logic of the external slave trades which in turn, ironically, aggravated the scarcity of labour within Africa itself (Austin 2008b; Manning 1990). 13 Within Africa, the structure of incentives encouraged a high degree of self-sufficiency, and by the middle of the 20th century it was widely assumed that pre-colonial economies had necessarily been overwhelmingly subsistence-oriented. The last half-century of research has progressively changed this assessment, especially for West Africa where a strong tendency towards extra-subsistence production was evident in the 16th and 17th centuries. While damaged by the aggravated “Dutch disease” effects of the Atlantic slave trade (Inikori 2007; Austin, forthcoming), this tendency was strongly resumed from the first decade of the online 19th century when that trade began to be abolished, with West Africans producing on a wider and larger scale for internal as well as overseas markets. Given the relative scarcity of Business School, labour, and in paper online social justice is not achieved by income redistribution the absence (generally) of significant economies of School + Essay …, scale in production, it was rare for the reservation wage (the minimum wage rate sufficient to persuade people to sell their labour rather than work for themselves) to be low enough for a would-be employer to afford to pay it. Hence the labour markets of pre-colonial Africa mainly took the form of slave trading (Austin 2005, chapters 6, 8; Austin 2008a).
14 The same abundance of land made political centralisation difficult to achieve and sustain (Herbst 2000). Political fragmentation had facilitated the Atlantic slave trade, in that larger States would have had stronger incentives and sociology term, capacities for rejecting participation in it (Inikori 2003). This fragmentation later facilitated the European conquest. Ethiopia was the exception that proved the rule, with its fertile central provinces and large agricultural surplus supporting a long-established and modernising State that, alone in London … Africa, had the economic base to buy essay online resist the “Scramble” successfully. 2 The historiography is too complex to London … be summarised here. But it can be said that, although the moti (. Term Paper Aha. ) 15 By no coincidence,2 most of Sub-Saharan Africa was colonised at London Business + Essay … a time when the industrialisation of Europe was creating or expanding markets for various commodities that could profitably be produced in Africa. The land-labour ratio, the environmental constraints on intensive agriculture and also the specific qualities of particular kinds of land in various parts of the continent gave Africa at least a potential comparative advantage in pac thesis cheat land-extensive primary production.
By the time of colonisation, especially in London School + Essay … West Africa, the indigenous populations were increasingly taking advantage of the combination of these supply-side features and of access to paper aha expanding overseas markets. From Senegal to Business School Cameroon thousands of tonnes of groundnuts and custom essay discount, palm oil, and from the 1880s rubber, were being produced for Business + Essay sale to custom meister European merchants (Law 1995). 5. Colonial regimes: similarities and variations. 16 Colonial rule in Africa was intended to be cheap, viz. for taxpayers in Europe. The British doctrine was that each colony should be fiscally self-supporting. Thus, any growth in London Business School government expenditure was supposed to be financed from higher revenues, as it was in kingdom Ghana in the 1920s when Governor Guggisberg was able to fund the creation of what became the country’s best-known hospital and school, as well as a new harbour and + Essay, more railways and roads, from customs proceeds that had been fuelled by the colony’s increasing exports of cocoa beans. Buy Research Paper Justice Is Not By Income. In practice the French were equally committed to London Business School + Essay covering costs. In French West Africa too there was a major programme of public works in the 1920s, although, as also in Ghana, within a few years expenditure had to be curtailed when export prices fell and the growth of revenue ended (Hopkins 1973, 190). 17 After retrenchment during the 1930s Depression, and especially during the Second World War, colonial administrations found themselves (for a variety of cheap my essay critical thinking, reasons) entering the post-war era with a new public commitment to be seen to promote actively the development of the economies over which they presided. “Developmental” language was partly redeemed by greater spending. In principle this came partly from the + Essay metropolitan taxpayer.
However, in term the French case Patrick Manning (1998, 123-5) has calculated that the government continued to receive more in tax from Africa than it spent in London Business + Essay … Africa. In British West Africa the write my essay psychology critical new statutory export marketing boards accrued substantial surpluses by keeping a large margin between the price paid to producers and the price that the boards received for the crop on the world market. London Business …. The surpluses were kept in London, in cheap my essay critical British government bonds, as forced savings from Business School + Essay … African farmers (Rimmer 1992, 41-2), which assisted the British metropolitan economy to recover from the post-war dollar shortage. 18 The particular identity of the colonial power made some difference to the lives of paper is not, those subjected to European rule. Contrasts between the two largest empires in Africa are traditionally made with reference to greater British reliance on African chiefs as intermediaries (“indirect rule”) and the French doctrine of assimilating a small minority of London School + Essay …, Africans into French culture and mile, citizenship. On the School + Essay whole it is arguable that, in economic terms, the similarities were much greater than the differences, except when the latter arose from the composition of their respective African empires. French rule, like British, relied on African intermediaries, including chiefs, even though France was much more insistent on abolishing African monarchies (as in Dahomey, in contrast to the British treatment of the structures and dynasties of the States of Buganda, Botswana, Lesotho and, after an abortive attempt at abolition, Ashanti). In West Africa the social achieved redistribution French made much greater use of forced labour, but that was primarily because the French territories were, from the start, relatively lacking in + Essay … cash-earning and therefore wage-paying potential. That specific policy, Corvee and its use to benefit white planters rather than African farmers, made a difference to the colonial legacy in Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire. It meant that African cocoa farming took off much more quickly and dramatically in the former, so that Ghana was much wealthier at independence, when Cote d’Ivoire was in the process of catching up (and overtaking) after a late start (Hopkins 1973, 218-9), which it proceeded to do by the 1980s.
3 This is pac thesis kingdom days also the Business + Essay … case for Madagascar, which is beyond the scope of the discussion here. 4 Gross national incomes in PPP terms averaged USD 918 in the former British colonies and USD 1,208 i (. ) 19 The contention here that the differences between the legacies of British and buy research achieved, French rule in Africa are primarily attributable to variations in the composition of the African empires concerned may need to be qualified in the light of valuable recent research by Thomas Bossuroy and Denis Cogneau (2009). London School + Essay …. They examined social mobility in five African countries and found that in the former British colonies in their sample, Ghana and Uganda, “the links between origin, migration, education and occupational achievement appear much looser” than in the former French colonies they examined, i.e. Cote d’Ivoire and Guinea3 (Bossuroy and Cogneau 2009, 2). In explanation, they emphasise the importance of pac thesis kingdom days, greater investment in education in the British colonies than the French colonies in their sample. This is a novel and important line of inquiry. I suspect that the favourable conclusion about the former British colonies also partly reflects the fact that Ghana and Uganda, for London Business School reasons that are only partly and indirectly connected to their respective British legacies, were the two major growth successes of structural adjustment in three mile island Africa, therefore perhaps offering greater opportunities for educational, physical and occupational mobility from the London Business School … mid-1980s, which was early enough to be partly reflected in the data and which coincided with economic stagnation and then civil war in Cote d’Ivoire.
Finally, the contrast may also partly reflect the legacy of the era of Corvee and “settler” agriculture in Cote d’Ivoire, before the economy took off in the 1950s and 1960s. Mile Essay. As of Business + Essay, 1990, helped by the legacy of the Ivorian “miracle”, in a sample of 26 former British and French colonies in tropical Africa (so excluding southern Africa) it was the former French colonies that had the higher per capita incomes in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) terms, by over 30% (Bossuroy and Cogneau 2009, 45, citing World Bank data).4. 6. Colonial rule and Africa’s specialisation in primary product exports. 20 The “extraversion” and aha, “monoculture” of African economies is Business widely lamented and condemned as a victory of my essay critical thinking, colonial interests over African interests. The risks entailed in extreme specialisation, however, need to be set against the long-run income gain to be expected from the exploitation of comparative advantage. London Business School. But again, although the location of a colonial economy’s comparative advantage could be identified, sooner or later the task of capitalising on it raised the question of what investments might profitably deepen that advantage and, above all, of how the costs and benefits would be distributed.
Conflicts of ideology, and especially the three balance of + Essay …, power between different interest groups, worked out variously across the range of buy essay uk 49, African colonies. London School + Essay …. The most fundamental difference was between the “peasant” and “settler” economies. Cheap My Essay Psychology Critical Thinking. Let us consider the contrasting cases of London School + Essay, export agriculture in the former, notably in West Africa, and mining in cheap write psychology critical thinking the latter, most obviously in South Africa. 21 We have noted that, by the eve of the European partition of the continent, Africa had already revealed an emerging comparative advantage in export agriculture. In West Africa in particular it was in the joint interests of the population, European merchants and the colonial administrations to further this. In Ghana British planters were initially allowed to enter to grow cocoa beans. But lacking the discriminatory support from the London Business government that their counterparts enjoyed in paper online is not achieved redistribution Kenya and southern Africa, they failed in commercial competition with African producers (Austin 1996a), just as French planters were later to be eclipsed by London Business School …, African ones in Cote d’Ivoire following the abolition of Corvee . Colonial reliance on aha the efforts of London School …, African small capitalists and peasants in the growing and local marketing of export crops paid off in what became Ghana and Nigeria, with more than 20-fold increases in the real value of foreign trade between 1897 and island, 1960 (Austin 2008a, 612), benefiting British commercial interests as well as (via customs duties) the colonial treasury. The efforts of W. H. Lever, the soap manufacturer, to win government permission, along with the necessary coercive support, to establish huge oil palm plantations in Nigeria continued from 1906 to 1925, but they were always rebuffed in favour of continued African occupation of virtually all agricultural land.
Ultimately this was because African producers literally delivered the goods (Hopkins 1973, 209-14) through land-extensive methods well adapted to the factor endowment. They rejected the advice of colonial agricultural officers when it conflicted with the requirements of efficient adaptation (Austin 1996a). The positive contribution of the administrations was to reinforce and permit the exploitation of London Business School + Essay …, these economies’ comparative advantage in export agriculture. They did this partly by paper is not, investment in transport infrastructure, investment to which African entrepreneurs also contributed (Austin 2007). Equally important, although the colonial administration never really established a system of land titling, in London Business + Essay … Ghana (for example) it upheld the indigenous customary right of farmers to ownership of trees they had planted, irrespective of the outcome of any later litigation about the ownership of the land the trees stood upon. Thus, African producers enjoyed sufficient security of tenure to feel safe in investing in tree crops on a scale sufficient to create, in the case of Ghana, what became for online uk 49 nearly 70 years the world’s largest cocoa economy (Austin 2005, chapters 14, 17). 22 South Africa had gold and London Business + Essay …, diamonds, but their profitable exploitation required that the cost of three island, labour be reduced far below what the physical labour-land ratio implied.
C. H. Feinstein’s quantitative exercise indicates that without such coercive intervention in the labour market, most of London + Essay, South Africa’s mines would have been unprofitable until the end of the gold standard era in 1932 (Feinstein 2005, 109-12). Kingdom. If South Africa eventually obtained a “free market” comparative advantage in mining, it was only after several decades of using extra-market means to repress black wages, notably through land appropriation and measures to stop Africans from working on European-owned land except as labourers rather than tenants. 23 Comparison of the economic legacies of European rule for poverty in “settler” and “peasant” economies is complicated by the many variations between individual colonies. However, some generalisations are possible. Business School + Essay. It is clear that the distribution of wealth and income was, and has remained, much more unequal in the “settler” economies than in the “peasant” ones. Buy Research Paper Online Justice By Income Redistribution. Preliminary findings by Sue Bowden, Blessing Chiripanhura and Paul Mosley (2008) support the Business + Essay proposition that possession of land put a floor under real wages in the “peasant” colonies, enabling labourers migrating into export-crop growing areas to share in the gains from exports that were otherwise divided between European firms, African and Asian middlemen and African farm-owners (see also Austin 2005).
Bowden, Chiripanhura and Mosley find real wages beginning to rise from the 1920s and 1930s in the “peasant” colonies of Ghana and uk 49, Uganda respectively and not falling back afterwards to the 1914 floor. In contrast, it was only in London + Essay … the 1970s that the real wages of black gold-miners in paper online social justice redistribution South Africa began a sustained rise above their early 20th century level (Lipton 1986, 410). In the sample taken by Bowden, Chiripanhura and Mosley it was only in the “pure settler” economies, South Africa and Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia), not in the “peasant” colonies of Ghana or Uganda nor even in the intermediate case of Kenya, that there were declines in rural African living standards over Business School periods of longer than 15 years within the 20th century. This pattern in essay meister real wages, together with the long-term expansion of African export agriculture which underpinned the growth of real wages in the “peasant” colonies, was reflected in the earlier onset of falling infant mortality in Ghana and Uganda compared to Southern Rhodesia and London + Essay …, South Africa. 24 It should be added that many African colonies were short of both known mineral deposits and the kinds of land suitable for profitable export agriculture. These were not selected for European settlement, nor were their economies driven by strong African rural-capitalist and peasant production.
They had to rely on seasonal exports of male wage labourers, and on growing the custom essay less lucrative cash crops such as cotton, the London timing of whose labour requirements conflicted with those of food crops, thereby creating risks to food security (Tosh 1980). A current wave of pac thesis days cheat, research, led by Business …, Alexander Moradi, uses height as a measure of physical welfare. The average height of write psychology thinking, African populations rose during the colonial period in Ghana and even in the “semi-settler” economy of Kenya (Moradi 2008; 2009). When this research is extended to poorer colonies such as southern Sudan, Tanganyika (mainland Tanzania) or those in the West African Sahel, it would be no surprise if welfare improvements there are found to School have been smaller than in the better-endowed economies studied so far. It was particularly in online uk 49 (selected areas of) the less favourably-endowed economies that colonial governments sought to raise productivity through very large-scale, capital-intensive and authoritarian projects, notably the massive irrigation scheme of the Office du Niger in Mali and the mechanisation campaign of the East African Groundnut Project in Tanganyika. Both were spectacular failures in their own output and productivity terms, not least because they were inefficient in relation to the prevailing factor ratios and physical environments (Hogendorn and Scott 1981; Roberts 1996, 223-48; Van Beusekom 2002).
25 Poor as was the record of + Essay, “settler” colonialism for the living standards of the indigenous population, it was in colonies where Europeans appropriated land on term paper a large scale, for settlers or for companies, that the London Business + Essay … earlier and larger beginnings were made in modern manufacturing. 26 Where industrialisation has occurred in Asia, it has tended to follow a more labour-intensive route than in three island Europe and London School + Essay, North America, substituting longer working hours for additional machinery where possible (Sugihara 2007) and generally having a higher proportion of labour to capital at mile island essay any given level of output. A region in which labour as well as capital was scarce in relation to London + Essay … land, such as Sub-Saharan Africa, was not well suited to follow either route in the early 20th century. 5 In Katanga, in contrast to island essay South Africa, the black labour force was “stabilised” from the 1920s onw (. ) 27 Yet, South Africa, followed on a smaller scale by Southern Rhodesia, acquired a substantial manufacturing sector by the time most of the rest of Africa achieved independence. The “artificially” low cost of black labour helped, but only in unskilled jobs because the skilled ones were anyway reserved for whites and the choice of technique was generally capital-intensive. Manufacturing growth was made possible by tariff protection, where locational advantage (as with brewing and cement manufacture) did not suffice. …. Crucially, mining provided the import-purchasing power to cover the import of capital goods and, where necessary, raw materials. Custom Essay Meister. It was also the direct or indirect source of much of the revenue used by governments to invest in manufacturing, whether directly or through the provision of infrastructure. The large European populations were a source of both educated workers and capital, but arguably their most important contribution to industrialisation was the political commitment to support it even at the cost of consumer prices that were often above world market levels (Austen 1987, 181-7; Kilby 1975; Wood and Business School, Jordan 2000). Moving up the value chain became an ambition of substantial proportions of white voters where they controlled governments, as in South Africa after 1910 and to a large extent in Southern Rhodesia from 1923, as well as of African voters since independence. In South Africa the “Pact” government of the National and Labour parties, elected in 1924, embarked on a policy of promoting import-substituting industrialisation through tariffs and State investment in electricity and steel (Feinstein 2005, 113-35).
Southern Rhodesia followed in the 1930s, partly in response to the challenge of the new South African customs regime (Phimister 2000). Besides these “settler” colonies, there was a third case of precocious growth of modern manufacturing, i.e. the Belgian Congo. This was absolutely not a case of settler independence or autonomy. As in uk 49 southern Africa, however, mines provided a favourable context for import-substituting industry, providing infrastructure, import-purchasing power and part of the market.5 South Africa remained the flagship of manufacturing in the region, but the scope for further expansion was increasingly restricted by the high price of skilled labour in an economy where only a minority of the London Business School population had access to secondary education and by the limited market for mass-produced goods that resulted from the low level of black wages. Term. If the radical school was right about the contribution of repressive racial policies to economic growth in the early 20th century (Trapido 1971), the liberals were right about the period preceding the fall of apartheid, i.e. the system was now a brake, not a booster, on the development of the economy (Moll 1990; Nattrass 1991; Feinstein 2005). 6 Actual GDP was surely greater because of the likely underestimation of the informal sector. This im (. London …. ) 28 Back in 1960 modern manufacturing in South Africa was large but not very competitive internationally. Discount. In the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa it was much smaller. There were only two countries in Business School + Essay which manufacturing accounted for more than 10% of recorded or officially-estimated GDP,6 i.e.
Southern Rhodesia (16%) and sociology paper aha, the Belgian Congo (14%). Next, on 9.5%, the “semi-settler” economy of Kenya tied with Senegal (Kilby 1975, 472). The latter was a “peasant” colony but, as the administrative and commercial centre of French West Africa, had an exceptionally large resident European population, which increased the supply of people with managerial experience, technical expertise and access to capital (Kilby 1975, 473, 488-90). In West Africa even these low 1960 levels of manufacturing represented a very late surge, propelled by post-war developmentalism (government subsidies for manufacturing in the case of Senegal) and decolonisation, which led European firms to establish local factories to protect their existing markets (Kilby 1975, 475, 490-507; Boone 1992, 65-77). 29 Given the relative scarcity of School + Essay, labour and the small markets, together with the cheap write my essay comparative advantage in Business + Essay … land-extensive primary production, it is not surprising that there was not much more manufacturing by the end of the colonial period. Where there were opportunities, colonial governments were rarely interested in online upsetting the status quo in which colonial markets for manufactured goods were supplied largely by monopsonistic European merchants, selling goods disproportionately produced in + Essay the European metropolitan economy concerned (Brett 1973, 266-82; Kilby 1975). But given that, despite rising population, the factor endowments of even the custom larger African economies were not suited to industrialisation in Business School … 1960, the more important question is perhaps whether colonial rule, directly or indirectly, laid foundations on pac thesis kingdom days cheat which Africa might later develop the conditions for a much larger growth of manufacturing. 7 As of 1950 Dakar’s electricity was the most expensive in Business School + Essay the world (Boone 1992, 66, 67n).
30 Asian experience suggests that this would most plausibly take a labour-intensive form. In the long term the most fundamental change of the colonial period was probably the start of sustained population growth, which in aggregate can be dated from the end of the 1918 influenza pandemic, although local timing varied. How far the demographic breakthrough was the result of sociology, colonial actions, such as the suppression of slave raiding, the London School + Essay post-1918 peace within Africa and public health measures that reduced crisis mortality, is difficult to determine (Iliffe 1995, 238-41). The Sub-Saharan population is paper estimated to have doubled to about 200 million between 1900 and 1960 (for references see Austin 2008a, 591). So the London Business School … demographic conditions for cheaper labour were beginning, but only aha beginning, to be established. London Business School …. But labour-intensive industrialisation also requires investment in energy supply and labour quality. It needs workers who are disciplined and perhaps have specific skills or are trained to facilitate the essay discount acquisition of new ones (Sugihara, forthcoming). School enrolment rates rose during the colonial era from low or non-existent levels and in many countries doubled or tripled between 1950 and 1960.
This was especially helped by Business School, African politicians gaining control of domestic budgets during the transition to independence, such as in uk 49 Nigeria where primary enrolment was raised from 971,000 to 2,913,000 and + Essay …, secondary enrolment was raised from 28,000 to 135,000 (Sender and Smith 1986, 62). In 1957 annual electric power output stood at 2,750 million kilowatts in the Belgian Congo and at 2,425 million kilowatts in the Central African Federation (within which most of the electricity was produced in online uk 49 Southern Rhodesia). In contrast, according to figures for the previous year, French West Africa produced a combined total of 138 million kilowatts,7 Nigeria 273 million kilowatts and the rest of British West Africa 84 million kilowatts (Kamarck 1964, 271). Hence, despite the … popularity of industrialisation with nationalists, the newly-independent countries were not well equipped to embark on labour-intensive industrialisation in the 1960s. Those that sought to industrialise opted for cheat capital-intensive methods (subsidising capital, protective tariffs) and the factories tended to became creators of economic rents rather than of profits from competitive success (Boone 1992). 8. Markets and African entrepreneurship. 3 For examples from each era respectively for Business School + Essay … Nigeria see Shea (2006), Wariboko (1998), Hopkins (197 (. ) 31 African entrepreneurship has driven changes in the choice of products and in the means and organisation of production in various contexts before, during and since colonial rule.3 This has been particularly conspicuous in West Africa, whose 19th century pre-colonial economies tended to be regarded as more market-oriented than those of the other major regions of Sub-Saharan Africa (Austin, forthcoming).
The colonial impact on African entrepreneurship and on the markets in which they operated again turned to kingdom days a large extent on London School + Essay whether there were large-scale appropriations of land for the use of Europeans, be they individual settlers or corporations. 32 This familiar division between “settler” and buy essay online, “plantation” colonies, on London Business School … one hand, and “peasant” (and rural capitalist) colonies, on the other, was far from purely exogenous to African economic history. Where African producers were able to enter export markets early and on buy research online is not achieved redistribution a wide scale, before European exporters really got going, their success was sufficient to tip the balance of the argument among colonial policy-makers in favour of those who thought it economically as well as politically wisest to leave agricultural production in African hands. As we saw in chapter 6, British West Africa was the London Business School + Essay … major example of this. In South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and Kenya African farmers responded quickly to essay meister opportunities to grow additional grain to supply internal markets.
But the governments reacted by trying to drive Africans out of the London Business + Essay produce market and into buy research paper online social achieved by income redistribution, the labour market by reserving land for Europeans, while either prohibiting Africans from leasing it back or (as in inter-war Kenya) limiting the London … time that African “squatters” could work for themselves rather than for their European landlords (Palmer and buy essay, Parsons 1977; Kanogo 1987). African production for the market proved resilient, however, and the governments eventually accepted this and shifted to imposing controls on Business agricultural marketing that favoured European producers rather than trying to displace African ones. In Kenya it was only in buy essay the mid-1950s, during the Mau Mau revolt, that the London School + Essay … government lifted restrictions on African production of high-value cash crops (Mosley 1983). Thus, to the extent that African production for the market in the late 19th century was greater in what became the “peasant” agricultural-export economies than in what became the “settler” economies, that contrast was reinforced by government actions in the latter over the following decades. 33 Not that the maintenance of African ownership of land necessarily entailed support for African capitalism. Admittedly, we have seen that the buy essay online uk 49 colonial State in Ghana protected the property of agricultural investors, in the sense of Business + Essay, preserving the ownership of a farmer over trees or crops that he or she had planted, irrespective of the outcome of legal disputes about the ownership of the land on which they stood.
But in “settler” and “peasant” colonies alike colonial governments were hesitant and usually hostile to the emergence of land markets in areas controlled by Africans. This policy eventually changed in buy research is not achieved by income redistribution Southern Rhodesia and Kenya, with selective promotion of land registration, in response to School + Essay the de facto emergence of land sales and individual proprietorship (cultivable land having become increasingly scarce in aha the areas left to Africans) and with African land-owners being seen as a politically conservative force in the context of Business + Essay …, Mau Mau (Mosley 1983, 27-8; Kanogo 1987). In West Africa, without the settler pressure on African access to land, and given the expansion of cash crops that occurred early in the colonial period and again in the 1950s, neither the political case nor the economic case for compulsory land titling was as yet compelling (Austin 2005). 34 African entrepreneurs, like European ones, needed to be able to hire labour. In this context the colonial record was one of gradual, mostly reluctant, innovation. Sooner or (often) later, they legislated against slavery.
But in West Africa, the region with evidently the largest slave population at the start of the 20th century, the replacement of the slave market by a wage labour market depended very much on the progress of African cash crop agriculture (Austin 2009). During the inter-war decades the continued use of forced labour by colonial administrations came under sustained pressure from the International Labour Office in Geneva. Pac Thesis Kingdom Days Cheat. The embarrassment of this contributed to further reluctant and gradual reform. By the end of the Second World War, as Frederick Cooper (1996) has shown, British and French authorities had accepted that wage labour had become a regular occupation for Africans, rather than a seasonal sideline from farming. Indeed, Cooper went on to show that in London and Paris the long-run fiscal implications of having to give workers in Africa the same rights as workers in Europe contributed to the decisions to withdraw from tropical Africa. For African societies the end of slavery and the rise of wage labour was arguably a condition of continued large-scale participation in international trade. As early as 1907 the chocolate manufacturer Cadbury had moved its cocoa-buying to Ghana following bad publicity about “slave-grown” cocoa in the Portuguese colony of Business …, Sao Tome, where it had been buying before (Southall 1975, 39-49). By 1960 slavery was generally no longer acceptable among trading partners. In this way colonial abolitionism, however gradual, contributed to the “modernisation” of labour institutions in Africa.
35 Colonial rule facilitated the buy research online justice is not achieved redistribution import of capital into this capital-scarce continent. But only in mining, and to some extent in “settler” and Business …, “plantation” agriculture, did this happen on a large scale. The survey by Herbert S. Three Essay. Frankel (1938) of Business + Essay, external capital investment in white-ruled Africa remains the only comprehensive study for the colonial period. According to Frankel, in gross and three, nominal terms, during 1870-1936 such investment totalled GBP 1,221 million, of which 42.8% was in South Africa. This meant GBP 55.8 per head in South Africa, but only GBP 3.3 in the French colonies and GBP 4.8 in British West Africa.
Public investment constituted 44.7% of the grand total and almost 46% of the non-South Africa total (Frankel 1938, 158-60, 169-70). Governments, and to some extent mining and Business, plantation companies, invested in the transport infrastructure required for the development of, mainly, the export-import trade. Kingdom Days. In Nigeria and Ghana Africans also took a leading role in building motor roads and London Business School + Essay …, pioneering lorry services (Heap 1990). In institutional terms the colonial period saw the kingdom eventual abolition of human pawning, with its replacement by promissory notes and, in those areas of London Business + Essay …, West Africa where it was possible, by loans on the security of cocoa farms. Cheap Write My Essay Critical. It also saw the London … introduction of modern banking, but the pac thesis kingdom banks were much more willing to accept Africans’ savings than to offer them loans, partly because of the colonial governments’ non-introduction of compulsory land titling (Cowen and Shenton 1991). 36 Like shipping and London School + Essay, the export-import trade, banking in colonial West Africa had a strong tendency towards cartelisation (Olukoju 2001-02; Austin and Uche 2007). The initial imposition of colonial rule and boundaries itself disrupted intra-African networks of exchange, and the increasing presence of European merchants in the interior relegated many African traders further down the chain of intermediation between shippers and farmers (Goerg 1980; Nwabughuogu 1982). Cheap Psychology. Organised resistance to European cartels mostly emerged later and was largely confined to particular colonies, given the tradition of cocoa “hold-ups” with which African farmers and Business + Essay, brokers confronted successive European merchant cartels in Ghana and the indigenous banking movement in Nigeria (Miles 1978; Hopkins 1966). Until the custom essay advent of independence it remained the case in the “peasant” colonies that the markets dominated by Europeans were cartelistic, whereas the markets populated by Africans were characterised by extreme competition (Hopkins 1978, 95). At least, much more than in the “settler” colonies, African entrepreneurs were able to operate in the export-import as well as in the domestic exchange sectors.
Though largely confined to the lower levels of the commercial pyramids, they benefited from the overall expansion of the economies, especially in West Africa (Hopkins 1995, 44). The monopolistic arrangements were shaken a bit by London Business, decolonisation (Austin and mile essay, Uche 2007), but the old African sector became the “informal” sector, the old European sector the “formal” one (Austin 1993). At independence, new governments were faced with the familiar problems of this financial dualism, notably lack of cheap credit from the formal sector for informal enterprises. 37 Despite asymmetric competition, the more economically successful “peasant” colonies saw the Business continuation of a tradition of entrepreneurship and pac thesis cheat, mostly (but not always) small-scale accumulation in London Business … agriculture, crafts and trade. Online. The result, as John Iliffe (1983, 67) noted, was “a strong contrast between West Africa, with its long-established capitalistic sector and its entrepreneurs from London … artisanship and trade, and kingdom days, eastern and southern Africa, where entrepreneurs had emerged chiefly through (…) Western education and modern sector employment”. Early post-colonial policy did not always build on this, for example in the case of Ghana, with high taxation of export agriculture and the creation of State monopolies in certain sectors (Austin 1996b).
38 It is widely accepted that States have a critical role in economic development, at least in enforcing the rules of London Business + Essay …, economic activity and providing physical public goods. Therefore, we should ask how colonial rule affected the historic constraint on political centralisation in paper social is not achieved by income Africa, namely the difficulty of London + Essay, raising revenue. Beyond this we need to sociology aha consider the size of the State and London School, the nature of authority and mile island essay, legitimacy, i.e. whether colonisation was responsible for fragmenting Africa, as is often said, or whether, as the colonial rulers themselves claimed, they were a modernising force, bringing the State to the “Stateless” and replacing patrimonial authority by bureaucratic authority. 39 Colonial administrations themselves suffered acute budgetary constraints. Although European empires introduced to Africa the possibility of raising loan finance (at least in an impersonal, law-governed though undemocratic way), the colonial administrations were restricted in their resort to London Business … money markets by the metropolitan insistence that each colony be fiscally self-sufficient and balance its budget. The introduction in each colony of a single currency as legal tender probably reduced net transaction costs (although in three mile island essay some cases the demonetisation of existing currencies hurt Africans holding them). But the metropolitan treasuries denied their colonial subordinates the London + Essay autonomy to print money (Herbst 2000, 201-13).
The French colonies used the French franc. In British West Africa a colonial pound was issued, but the rules ensured that it was always convertible at par with the metropolitan pound. Island Essay. It was only at independence that the new African governments had the option of creating national currencies, an option the former French colonies mostly declined while the former British colonies soon accepted. 40 Given that they faced much the same practical constraints as the African States that had preceded them, colonial governments generally continued the reliance of pre-colonial kingdoms upon taxes on trade and + Essay …, people, rather than on land or agriculture. It was the my essay above-mentioned discovery, during the London Business School + Essay Second World War, that the export marketing board could be a major revenue-raiser, which was the major fiscal innovation of colonial rule. As independence approached, this unintended consequence of a wartime expedient offered African politicians unprecedented opportunities to, for example, transform educational opportunities for cheap my essay psychology their populations. School + Essay …. The marketing board as a fiscal instrument was an important colonial legacy, and sociology paper aha, its possibilities and implications were only School beginning to be understood. Buy Essay. By the 1980s the limits of the device had become clear, as ordinary traders and producers could evade it by trading on parallel markets (Azarya and Chazan 1987). 41 Smuggling brings us to one of the more notorious legacies of the colonial partition of Africa: the imposition of boundaries dividing people of shared culture, the delineation of some States so small as to be of questionable economic viability and the creation of some States so large as to be potentially ungovernable.
There is much in these criticisms, but recent research has shown that the borders were not necessarily so arbitrary in their origin and that at least some of them have subsequently acquired social reality and even popular legitimacy (Nugent 2002). Again, while the colonial legacy includes several very small States, most colonies (even the small ones) were larger than the pre-colonial polities on which or in place of which they were imposed; and some of them formed parts of larger regional units (notably French West Africa). While the Business School colonial borders have been largely preserved, colonial attempts to introduce Weberian bureaucracy have proved much less durable (Bayart 1989). One reason for, or manifestation of, this is the salience of ethnicity in most African countries for political competition over resources. 42 From the late 1970s onwards a generation of historians and cheat, anthropologists tended to argue that ethnicity in Africa, far from being “primordial”, was created, or at least greatly entrenched, by London + Essay, colonial strategies of “divide and rule” (seminal contributions included Iliffe 1979, 318-41, and Ranger 1983, although the thesis was pursued beyond those cautious initial statements). Recent historiography has shown that the emphasis on the capacity of colonial States to invent and manipulate traditions, including those relating to ethnicity and chieftaincy, was partly justified, but it underestimated the capacity of African elites and peoples to influence the outcomes themselves (Spear 2003). Write Psychology. By no means all ethnic divisions originated in the colonial period (Vansina 2001), although they were usually deepened and reified by the interaction of Business School, colonial and African elites (Prunier 1995).
Whatever the precise division of responsibility in this interaction, there is general agreement among scholars that ethnicity has been a more important organising principle of political association and conflict since colonial rule than before it. This matters for economic development because ethnic divisions are often seen, by pac thesis kingdom cheat, public opinion and by some economists (notably Easterly and Levine 1997), as primarily responsible for rent-seeking rather than growth-promoting policies in post-colonial Africa. However, that approach has been criticised on various grounds (notably by Arcand, Guillaumont and Jeanneney 2000), and Business + Essay, it is arguable that the salience of three, ethnicity in African political and economic life is as much a response to as a cause of the difficulties of enlarging the economic cake in African conditions and of the continued weakness of State capacity. 43 Amidst the varying and/or poor growth records of post-colonial African economies, Botswana has stood out. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James Robinson (2002a) argue that it is an exception that proves the rule, i.e. that while Botswana did not have the beneficial institutional legacy characteristic of the “full settler” colonies like Australia, it was exceptionally lightly ruled by Britain and as a result escaped the worst of the extractive propensities that they see as generally characteristic of non-“settler” colonialism. In my view two considerations point to a different conclusion. Business + Essay …. First, without the discovery of diamonds, it is hard to see how post-colonial Botswana could have grown dramatically faster than colonial Bechuanaland. Indeed, during the buy research online by income first three decades of indendence the non-diamond mining sector of Business, Botswana did no better than Zambia (Jerven 2008).
Second, British rule was relatively intense, rather than the opposite, in Bechuanaland. By the criterion of the number of Africans per administrator, circa 1937 it was fifth out of 33 African colonies (Richens, forthcoming). 44 The limited revenue-generating potential of African colonies (especially before some of the more spectacular mineral discoveries) helps to explain the decisions of the French and British governments, faced with rising popular expectations channelled into growing nationalist movements, to accept early decolonisation. Simultaneously French firms were apparently becoming less interested in colonial economies (Marseille 2005). If so, it is ironic that the French government remained closely involved with its former colonies after their independence, not least through the franc zone. Again, in the 1950s British firms on the spot expressed concern about their future under independent African governments, but they failed to attract much notice from the buy research social achieved redistribution decolonising authorities (Tignor 1998; Stockwell 2000). The irony of the latter case is that a few years later the British government’s attitude to the Biafran secession was influenced by Business School, the interests of British oil companies (Uche 2008). 45 This article has considered the issue of colonial legacies in relation to the longer-term dynamics of economic development in what was in 1900 an overwhelmingly land-abundant region, characterised by simultaneous shortages of labour and capital, by perhaps surprisingly extensive indigenous market exchanges, especially in West Africa, and by varying but often low levels of political centralisation. Colonial governments and custom essay, European firms invested in both infrastructure and (especially in southern Africa) in institutions designed to develop African economies as primary-product exporters. In both cases the old economic logic for coercing labour continued to operate, i.e. the London School … continued existence of slavery in early colonial tropical Africa and the use of large-scale land grabs to promote migrant labour flows in “settler” economies. But there were changes and variations.
While we have noted differences between French and British policy, for example in West Africa, the bigger contrasts were between “peasant” and three mile island essay, “settler” colonies. 46 In British West Africa in particular there was a genuine coincidence of interest between African farmers, European merchants and London …, colonial governments in enlarging and exploiting West Africa’s comparative advantage in sociology paper aha land-extensive agriculture. The resultant income at least enabled many of the slave-owners to become employers instead. In these cases the British government (and the French in Cote d’Ivoire after 1945) correctly recognised where their own self-interest lay when they supported African investment in export agriculture. It was in those “peasant” colonies that were best endowed with lands suitable for School producing the more lucrative crops that African populations experienced significant improvements in purchasing power and had the most improvement in write thinking physical welfare.
In the same countries, however, colonial rulers, partly because of fiscal constraints as well as a probably realistic assessment of the London short-term economic prospects, did little directly to prepare the economies to move “up the value chain”. Thus, the first generation of sociology term paper, post-colonial rulers presided over economies which were as yet too short of educated (and cheap) labour and sufficient (and sufficiently cheap) electricity to embark successfully on industrialisation. It has taken post-colonial investment in education and other public goods to move West African economies, and tropical Africa generally, closer to London School + Essay the prospect of a substantial growth of labour-intensive manufacturing, if international competition permits it. 47 “Settler” colonies had a worse record for poverty reduction, especially considering the mineral resources of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, but they had a better one for kingdom structural change. The large-scale use of coercion was the basis for the construction of white-ruled economies that, especially in South Africa, eventually became profitable enough for a partly politically-impelled policy of import-substituting industrialisation to achieve some success. Thus, the rents extracted from African labourers were channelled into structural change, although the process became self-defeating as it progressed, contributing to the fall of apartheid. 48 As promoters of market institutions, the colonial regimes had a very mixed record; but probably in all Sub-Saharan countries there was far more wage labour, and a lot more land sales, and Business School + Essay …, a lot more people more deeply dependent on markets, by 1960 than there had been in 1890 or 1900. A final legacy of the colonial period has a rather unclear relationship to colonial policy, i.e. the sustained growth of (total) population since 1918 has progressively transformed the factor ratios and, on online justice is not achieved by income the whole, increased the long-term economic potential of the continent. Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson. 2001. The colonial origins of …, comparative development: An empirical investigation.
American Economic Review 91, no. 5: 1369-1401. Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and aha, James A. Robinson. 2002a. School + Essay …. An African success story: Botswana. CEPR Discussion Paper 3219. London: Centre for Economic Policy Research. Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Custom. Robinson. 2002b.
Reversal of fortune: Geography and institutions in the making of the modern world income distribution. Quarterly Journal of Economics 117, no. 4: 1231-94. Ajayi, J. F. Ade. 1969.
Colonialism: An episode in African history. In Colonialism in Africa, 1870-1960 , vol. 1, The history and politics of colonialism, 1870-1914 , ed. L. H. Gann and London …, Peter Duignan, 137–46. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Amin, Samir. 1972. L’Afrique de l’Ouest bloquee . Paris: Editions de Minuit.
Arcand, Jean-Louis, Patrick Guillaumont, and buy research justice is not by income redistribution, Sylviane Guillaumont Jeanneney. 2000. London Business. How to custom meister make a tragedy: On the alleged effects of ethnicity on growth. Journal of International Development 20, no. 7, 925-38.
Austen, Ralph A. 1987. African economic history: Internal development and external dependency . London: James Currey. Austin, Gareth. 1993. Indigenous credit institutions in West Africa, c.1750-1960. In Local Suppliers of Credit in the Third World, 1750-1960 , ed. Gareth Austin and Kaoru Sugihara, 93-159. London: Macmillan. Austin, Gareth. 1996a. Mode of production or mode of cultivation: Explaining the failure of London Business School, European cocoa planters in competition with African farmers in colonial Ghana.
In Cocoa pioneer fronts since 1800: The role of smallholders, planters and merchants , ed. W. G. Island Essay. Clarence-Smith, 154-75. Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan. Austin, Gareth. 1996b. National poverty and the “vampire state” in Ghana. Business …. Journal of International Development 8, no. 4: 553-73. Austin, Gareth. 2005.
Labour, land and kingdom, capital in Ghana: From slavery to London Business + Essay … free labour in Asante, 1807-1956 . Rochester: Rochester University Press. Austin, Gareth. 2007. Labour and land in Ghana, 1879-1939: A shifting ratio and an institutional revolution. Australian Economic History Review 47, no. Buy Research Paper Justice Is Not By Income Redistribution. 1: 95-120. Austin, Gareth. 2008a. Resources, techniques and strategies south of the Sahara: Revising the factor endowments perspective on African economic development, 1500-2000.
Economic History Review 61, no. 3: 587-624. Austin, Gareth. 2008b. The “reversal of fortune” thesis and the compression of history: Perspectives from African and School + Essay, comparative economic history. Journal of International Development 20, no. Three Mile. 8: 996-1027. Austin, Gareth.
2009. Cash crops and freedom: Export agriculture and the decline of slavery in colonial West Africa. International Review of Social History 54, no.1: 1-37. Austin, Gareth. Forthcoming. Markets, slaves and States in West Africa . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Austin, Gareth, and Chibuike Ugochukwu Uche.
2007. Collusion and competition in colonial economies: Banking in British West Africa, 1916-1960. Business. Business History Review 81 (1): 1-26. Azarya, Victor, and Naomi Chazan. 1987. Disengaging from the State in Africa: Reflections on the experience of Ghana and buy essay, Guinea. Comparative Studies in Society and History 29: 106-31.
Bauer, P. Business School …. T. Buy Essay. 1953. West African trade: A study of Business School, competition, oligopoly and monopoly in a changing economy . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bauer, P. T. 1972. Dissent on development . Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Bayart, Jean-Francois. 1989. L’Etat en Afrique: la politique du ventre . Paris: Librairie Artheme Fayard.
Bayart, Jean-Francois. 2000. Africa in the world: A history of extraversion. African Affairs 99, no. 395: 217-67. Berthelemy, Jean-Claude, and Ludvig Soderling. 2001. The role of capital accumulation, adjustment and structural change for economic take-off: Empirical evidence from African growth episodes. Pac Thesis Days Cheat. World Development 29, no. London Business School …. 2: 323-43.
Boone, Catherine. 1992. Merchant capital and the roots of paper online social justice is not redistribution, State power in Senegal, 1930-1985 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bossuroy, Thomas, and Denis Cogneau. London Business School …. 2009. Social mobility and colonial legacy in five African countries. Unpublished working paper, Paris: Paris School of Economics and Institut de Recherche pour le Developpement. Bowden, Sue, Blessing Chiripanhura, and Paul Mosley, 2008. Measuring and explaining poverty in six African countries: A long-period approach. Journal of International Development 20: 1049-79. Brett, E. A. 1973.
Colonialism and underdevelopment in East Africa: The politics of economic change, 1919-1939 . Uk 49. London: Heinemann. Cooper, Frederick. London + Essay …. 1996. Decolonisation and African society: The labour question in French and British Africa . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cowen, M. P., and R. W. Term. Shenton. 1991. Bankers, peasants and land in British West Africa, 1905-37. Journal of London Business, Peasant Studies 19, no. 1: 26-58. Duignan, Peter, and L. H. Gann.
1975. Economic achievements of the colonisers: An assessment. In Colonialism in Africa, 1870-1960 , vol. Cheat. 4, The economics of London + Essay, colonialism, 1870-1960 , ed. L. H. Gann and Peter Duignan, 673-96. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Easterly, William, and Ross Levine.
1997. Africa’s growth tragedy: Policies and ethnic divisions. Quarterly Journal of Economics 112, 1203-50. Fall, Babacar. 1993. Le travail force en Afrique occidentale francaise, 1900-1945 . Paris: Karthala. Feinstein, C. H. 2005.
An economic history of South Africa: Conquest, discrimination and development . Cheap Write My Essay Psychology Critical. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ferguson, Niall. 2003. Empire: How Britain made the modern world . London: Allen Lane. Fetter, Bruce. 1976. + Essay …. The creation of Elizabethville, 1910-1940 . Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Forrest, Tom. 1994. The advance of African capital: The growth of mile island essay, Nigerian private enterprise . Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Frankel, S. Herbert. 1938. + Essay …. Capital investment in Africa . Term Aha. London: Oxford University Press. Goerg, Odile. 1980. La destruction d’un reseau d’echange precolonial: L’exemple de la Guinee. Journal of African History 21, no.
4: 467-84. Heap, Simon. 1990. School + Essay …. The development of motor transport in the Gold Coast, 1900-39. Kingdom. Journal of Transport History 11 no. 2: 19-37. Herbst, Jeffrey. 2000. States and Business School …, power in Africa: Comparative lessons in authority and control . Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Hill, Polly. 1997. The migrant cocoa-farmers of southern Ghana: A study in rural capitalism . Hamburg: LIT and Oxford: James Currey (orig. pub. Cambridge 1963). Hogendorn, J. S., and K. M. Scott. 1981. Very large-scale agricultural projects: The lessons of the East African groundnut scheme. African Economic History 10, 87-115. Hopkins, A. G. 1966.
Economic aspects of political movements in Nigeria and my essay, the Gold Coast, 1918-39. Journal of African History 7 no. 1: 133-152. Hopkins, A. G. 1973. An economic history of School + Essay, West Africa . London: Longman. Hopkins, A. G. Buy Essay. 1978. Innovation in a colonial context: African origins of the Nigerian cocoa-farming industry, 1880-1920. In The Imperial Impact: Studies in the economic history of Africa and India , ed. Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, 83-96, 341-2. London: Athlone Press.
Hopkins, A. G. 1995. London School + Essay. Les entrepreneurs africains et le developpement de l’Afrique: Une perspective historique. In Entreprises et entrepreneurs africains , ed. Stephen Ellis and Yves-A. Write Critical Thinking. Faure, 37-51. Paris: Karthala. Hopkins, A. G. + Essay. 2009. Buy Research Paper Social Redistribution. The new economic history of Africa. Journal of African History , 50 no. 2: 155-77. Hugon, Philippe.
1993. Les trois temps de la pensee francophone en economie du developpement. In Etat des savoirs sur le developpement , ed. C. Choquet, O. Dollfus, E. Le Roy et M. Vernieres, 43-74. Paris: Karthala. Iliffe, John. 1979. A modern history of Tanganyika . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Iliffe, John. London. 1983. The emergence of African capitalism . Justice Is Not Achieved Redistribution. London: Macmillan. Iliffe, John. London School …. 1995. Africans: The history of a continent . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. IMF (International Monetary Fund).
2009. Regional economic outlook: Sub-Saharan Africa - Weathering the storm . Washington: IMF. Inikori, Joseph I. Write Thinking. 2003. The struggle against School …, the transatlantic slave trade: The role of the State. Three Mile Essay. In Fighting the slave trade: West African strategies , ed. Sylviane A. Diouf, 170-98. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press.
Inikori, Joseph I. 2007. Africa and the globalisation process: Western Africa, 1450-1850. Journal of Global History 2, no. 1: 63-86. Jerven, Morten. 2008. African economic growth reconsidered: Measurement and performance in East-Central Africa, 1965–1995.
Ph.D. dissertation, London School of Economics. Jerven, Morten. 2009. London Business + Essay …. The quest for sociology the African dummy: Explaining African post-colonial economic performance revisited. Journal of International Development 21 (published early online: DOI: 10.1002/jid.1603). Kamarck, A. M. 1964. The development of the economic infrastructure. In Economic transition in Africa , ed. Melville J. Herskovits, and Mitchell Harwitz, 263-75. + Essay. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Kanogo, Tabitha.
1987. Squatters and buy research paper is not by income, the roots of Mau Mau: 1905-63 . London: James Currey. Kilby, Peter. 1975. Manufacturing in colonial Africa. In Colonialism in Africa, 1870-1960 , vol.
4, The economics of London Business School, colonialism, 1870-1960 , ed. L. Buy Research Social Is Not By Income. H. Gann and Peter Duignan, 470-520. London. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Killick, Tony. 1978. Development economics in action: A study of cheap my essay psychology critical, economic policies in Ghana . London: Heinemann. Lal, Deepak. 2004. In praise of empires: Globalization and order . New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Law, Robin (ed.). 1995. From slave trade to “legitimate” commerce: The commercial transition in nineteenth-century West Africa . London. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lipton, Merle. 1986. Capitalism and apartheid: South Africa, 1910-1986 . Cheap My Essay Critical Thinking. 2nd edition. Aldershot: Gower/Maurice Temple Smith. Manning, Patrick.
1990. Slavery and African life: Occidental, Oriental and African slave trades . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Manning, Patrick. 1998. Francophone Sub-Saharan Africa . 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Marseille, Jacques. 2005. Empire colonial et capitalisme francais: Histoire d’un divorce . 2nd edition. Paris: Albin Michel. Miles, John.
1978. Rural protest in the Gold Coast: The cocoa hold-ups, 1908-1938. In The imperial impact: Studies in the economic history of London Business School + Essay …, Africa and India , ed. Paper Online Social Justice Redistribution. Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, 152-70, 353-7. London: Athlone Press.
Moll, Terence. 1990. From booster to London School + Essay … brake? Apartheid and economic growth in comparative perspective. In The Political Economy of South Africa , ed. N. Nattrass and E. Essay Meister Discount. Ardington, 73-87. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Moradi, Alexander. 2008. Business. Confronting colonial legacies: Lessons from online uk 49 human development in Ghana and Kenya, 1880-2000.
Journal of International Development 20, no. 8: 1107-21. Moradi, Alexander. 2009. Towards an objective account of nutrition and health in London colonial Kenya: A study of stature in African army recruits and civilians, 1880-1980. Journal of Economic History 6, no. 3: 719-54. Mosley, Paul.
1983. The settler economies: Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, 1900-1963 . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nattrass, N. 1991. Controversies about capitalism and apartheid in South Africa: An economic perspective. Journal of Southern African Studies 17: 654-77. Northrup, David. 1988. Beyond the bend in the river: African labor in eastern Zaire, 1865-1940 . Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. Nugent, Paul.
2002. Smugglers, secessionists and loyal citizens . Oxford: James Currey. Nwabughuogu, Anthony I. 1982. From wealthy entrepreneurs to petty traders: The decline of African middlemen in eastern Nigeria, 1900-1950. Cheap My Essay Psychology. Journal of African History 23, no. 3, 365-79. Olukoju A. 2001-02. “Getting too great a grip”: European shipping lines and British West African lighterage services in the 1930s.
Afrika Zamani , 9 10: 19-40. Palmer, Robin, and Neil Parsons, eds. Business …. 1977. The roots of rural poverty in Central and Southern Africa . London: Heinemann. Phillips, Anne. 1989. The enigma of thinking, colonialism: British policy in West Africa . London: James Currey. Phimister, I. 2000.
The origins and London, development of pac thesis kingdom days cheat, manufacturing in Southern Rhodesia, 1894-1939. In A. Business School …. S. Online. Mlambo, E. S. Pangeti and I. Phimister (eds), Zimbabwe: A History of Manufacturing, 1890-1995 , 9-30. + Essay. Harare: University of Zimbabwe Publications. Prunier, Gerard. 1995. The Rwandan tragedy: History of a genocide, 1958-1994 . London: Hurst. Ranger, Terence. 1983. The invention of tradition in colonial Africa. In E. J. Hobsbawm and pac thesis cheat, Terence Ranger (eds), The Invention of Tradition , 211-62. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Richens, Peter. Forthcoming. The economic legacies of the “thin white line”: Indirect rule and the comparative development of Sub-Saharan Africa. London: London School of Business + Essay …, Economics, Working Papers in Economic History. Rimmer, Douglas. 1992. Custom Essay Discount. Staying poor: Ghana’s political economy, 1950-1990 . Oxford: Pergamon Press and the World Bank. Roberts, Richard L. 1996. Two worlds of cotton: Colonialism and the regional economy in the French Sudan, 1800-1946 . Stanford: Stanford University Press. Rodney, Walter.
1972. How Europe underdeveloped Africa . London: Bogle-L’Ouverture. Sender, John, and Sheila Smith. 1986. The development of London Business School + Essay …, capitalism in Africa . Custom Meister. London: Methuen. Shea, Philip J. 2006. School + Essay. Big is sometimes best: The Sokoto Caliphate and economic advantages of size in the textile industry. African Economic History 34: 5-21. Southall, Roger J. 1975. Cadbury on the Gold Coast, 1907-38: The dilemma of term paper aha, a “model firm” in a colonial economy.
Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham. Spear, Thomas. 2003. Neo-traditionalism and the limits of invention in British colonial Africa. Journal of School + Essay, African History 44, no. 1: 3-27. Stockwell, Sarah. Buy Research Paper Online Justice Redistribution. 2000.
The business of decolonisation: British business strategies in London Business … the Gold Coast . Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sugihara, Kaoru. 2007. The second Noel Butlin lecture: Labour-intensive industrialisation in global history. Australian Economic History Review 47, no.
2: 121-54. Sugihara, Kaoru. Forthcoming. Buy Essay Online. Labour-intensive industrialisation in global history. London Business School + Essay. In Gareth Austin and Kaoru Sugihara (eds), Labour-intensive industrialisation in global history . London: Routledge.
Tignor, Robert L. 1998. Capitalism and nationalism at online the end of empire . Princeton: Princeton University Press. Tosh, John. 1980. The cash crop revolution in tropical Africa: An agricultural reappraisal.
African Affairs 79, no. 314: 79-94. Trapido, Stanley. Business …. 1971. South Africa in a comparative study of industrialisation. Journal of Development Studies 7, no. Essay Discount. 3: 309-20. Uche, Chibuike. 2008.
Oil, British interests and the Nigerian civil war. Journal of Business + Essay …, African History 49, no. 1: 111-35. Van Beusekom, Monica M. 2002. Negotiating development: African farmers and buy research online social achieved by income, colonial experts at London Business + Essay … the Office du Niger, 1920-1960 . Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann. Vansina, Jan. 2001. Le Rwanda ancien: le royaume Nyiginya . Paris: Karthala. Wariboko, Nimi. 1998. A theory of the canoe house corporation.
African Economic History 26: 141-72. Warren, Bill. 1980. Imperialism, pioneer of capitalism . London: Verso. Wood, A., and K. Jordan. 2000. Why does Zimbabwe export manufactures and Uganda not? Journal of Development Studies 37, no. 2: 91-116.
1 The current names of former colonies are preferred in this essay, not least because until the 1930s “Gold Coast” did not correspond to what is online justice by income redistribution now Ghana. However, “Southern Rhodesia” is used because “colonial Zimbabwe” is a contradiction in terms. “Belgian Congo” is used because of its clarity as there is more than one Congo today. 1 For a general account see Rimmer (1992, esp. 5, 228). 2 For Africanist commentaries see Austin (2008b) and Hopkins (2009). 2 The historiography is too complex to be summarised here. But it can be said that, although the Business School motives for colonisation were not entirely economic (not least in the French and justice achieved, German cases), there were several links between the progress of industrialisation in London Business … Europe and the fact that, so late in the history of European overseas empire, the rival European powers finally “scrambled” for Africa. For instance, industrialisation reduced the costs of coercion and control, creating incentives for (in particular) those lagging within Europe to three mile seek additional resources overseas (especially Portugal), while those dominating European trade with Africa had economic reasons to secure their position by London Business School + Essay …, extending it into annexation (Britain). 3 This is also the case for custom meister Madagascar, which is beyond the scope of the discussion here.
4 Gross national incomes in PPP terms averaged USD 918 in the former British colonies and USD 1,208 in the former French ones. 5 In Katanga, in contrast to South Africa, the black labour force was “stabilised” from the 1920s onwards, migrant workers being replaced with a smaller but better-paid permanent workforce. Their purchasing power provided part of the market for London Business Congo-made manufactures (Fetter 1976, 110-5). 6 Actual GDP was surely greater because of the likely underestimation of the informal sector. Three Mile Island. This implies an even smaller share for modern manufacturing because the latter was all within the formal sector. 7 As of 1950 Dakar’s electricity was the most expensive in the world (Boone 1992, 66, 67n).
3 For examples from each era respectively for London Business + Essay Nigeria see Shea (2006), Wariboko (1998), Hopkins (1978) and pac thesis kingdom, Forrest (1994). Gareth Austin , « African Economic Development and Colonial Legacies », International Development Policy | Revue internationale de politique de developpement , 1 | 2010, 11-32. Gareth Austin , « African Economic Development and Colonial Legacies », International Development Policy | Revue internationale de politique de developpement [Online], 1 | 2010, Online since 11 March 2010, connection on School 05 October 2017. URL : http://poldev.revues.org/78 ; DOI : 10.4000/poldev.78. Gareth Austin teaches African and comparative economic history, focusing on long-term economic development, at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported License. 2017 7.0| 8.0 2016 7.1 2015 6.1| 6.2 2014 5.1| 5.2| 5.3 2013 4.1| 4.2| 4.3 2012 3 2011 2 2010 1. Electronic ISSN 1663-9391. Informations Title: International Development Policy | Revue internationale de politique de developpement Briefly: Peer-reviewed journal that promotes cutting-edge research and policy debates on global development.
Published by the Graduate Institute | Geneva, it links up with international policy negotiations involving Geneva-based organisations.
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Many other French words went the same route centuries ago, with the accents usually dropped. London Business? Since it’s not a French word (in this sense), the accents can be dispensed with unless they are necessary to show pronunciation. But in three island essay this particular word, the accent over the final -e is still necessary, to indicate pronunciation and to Business School …, distinguish “resumé” from the verb “resume.” (In addition, the cheap critical thinking, spelling with two accents is awkward in English because, in the English pronunciation, the School + Essay …, first “é” stands for a different sound than does the second.) This is not a question the average job-seeker needs to sweat over. “Resumé” and “résumé” are always acceptable. “Resume” is very widely accepted too, though it should be avoided in fields where language skills are highly valued. Buy Research Is Not Achieved? Whichever spelling you prefer, make sure you use it consistently (except in the case of London School …, e-mailssee below).
But make sure you read the following important technical note: IN PLAIN TEXT IT’S SPELLED DIFFERENTLY . . . At least in the U.S., accented characterslike the “é” in resuméshould never be used in pac thesis cheat plain-text documents, such as e-mails and Web forms. Since accented characters are not part of the ASCII character set that is School + Essay still a standard for much software in the U.S., they sometimes get converted to other characters or combinations of characters, and show up as nonsense characters on buy essay uk 49, the recipient’s end. In these documents, “resume,” without accents, is School + Essay safest. It’s also best to avoid using accented characters in filenamesespecially if you’re sending the files to someone else. HOW TO TYPE THE ACCENT. In Windows: In Word, you can type Ctl-' (that is, hold down the Control and apostrophe keys at the same time) and term, then press the ‘e’ key. In other Windows applications, use Alt-130 (that is, hold down the London Business + Essay …, Alt key while typing 130 in the numeric keypad the all-numbers section on the right of most full-sized keyboards). On a Mac: Press Option-e and then press the ‘e’ key.
Unix systems are less standardized in this respect. Try Compose-e-'. If your keyboard doesn’t have a Compose key, you can probably map that function to cheap my essay critical, an existing key, such as right-Alt. By the way, it’s an accent, not an apostrophe these are two completely different things. There’s one way to spell it that’s always totally wrong: with an apostrophe instead of an accent, like this: resume’. If you spell it with no accents (resume), well, that’s the only way to spell it in plain text, and in other cases, the reader will assume that you can’t be bothered to type the …, accent. They may or may not downgrade you on that score. But if you spell it with an apostrophe instead of an sociology paper aha, accent, they’ll see that you don’t even know what the accent is. You don’t have to sweat over the spelling of “resumé.” But as a professional writer I have to make a considered decision about which spelling to use, and want to choose the best if one is even a little better than the others. When you start looking closely at the question of how to spell the Business …, name of that vital piece of paper, it gets rather more complicated than most spelling questions are, because there are an unusual number of factors involved.
In this case, sorting out those factors, weighing them, and working out the write my essay psychology critical, best balance between them is London Business School … a matter for painstaking thought by experienced professional language mechanics with some specialized linguistic knowledge. I’ve had my shot at it, and the conclusions above are based on that effort. In case you’re interested, I’ve written down the buy research online is not redistribution, details below. THE WHOLE THING. The spelling with two accents follows the French spelling, but in the case of Business + Essay …, “résumé,” that spelling is problematic when used by English-speakers, for reasons given below. Omitting both the accents follows the normal English practice with assimilated foreign words, but this, too, is buy research paper social justice achieved redistribution problematic in Business School + Essay … the case of this particular word. The spelling with one accent, which offers a solution to social justice is not redistribution, both problems, seems to be a recent development that is increasingly accepted in English usage. Good English dictionaries in the past generally gave “résumé” as the reference spelling, and recognized “resume” (no accents) as well. For instance, “resumé” isn’t found in the first edition of the Random House Dictionary (unabridged, 1966) or the full Oxford English Dictionary (2nd ed., 1989).
More recent editions of authoritative dictionaries ( Random House Dictionary , 2nd ed., 1987; American Heritage Dictionary , 3rd ed., 1992; and London Business School + Essay, the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary , 5th ed., 2002) also recognize “resumé.” The fourth edition of the American Heritage Dictionary (2000) gives “resumé” as the days, reference spelling. The Shorter Oxford notes that the spelling “resumé” (one accent) is particularly associated with the sense of a summary of employment qualifications, which sense is “chiefly North American.” The pronunciation “REH-zoo-may” is standard in English regardless of …, spelling or sense. (French also places the primary stress on the first syllable, though the pac thesis, stress is not as noticeable as it is in English.) Good writers don’t depart from historical spelling without some strong reason that is widely recognized, and then only in those rare cases where there is no stronger reason for retaining the historical spelling. The development of a consensus about such changes takes time, even when the questions are simple enough to be decided by London Business School + Essay, the accumulation of decisions made on the fly by knowledgeable writers. In the case of the three mile island, word “resumé,” however, there are an unusual number of conflicting factors bearing on the question. Business School? This complicates and slows down the write, evolutionary process.
Conscious, detached thought, and a bit of research, are required to sort out the issues decisively. London + Essay? At the same time, it’s not an urgent matter even for most language specialists. Island Essay? So it’s likely that few qualified people have ever sat down and tried to weigh all the factors and find the best resolution to the conflicts. And in any case, it would take time for word to get around. This, perhaps, is why “resumé” is only shown in recent dictionaries. London School + Essay …? (The article on “résumé” at http://en.wiktionary.org/ is a good one.
The postings I’ve seen on Web discussion forums only demonstrate the inadequacy of casual opinions on this particular questionwhether they come from laymen or, worse, from the second-rate professionals who are the source of most of the writings on language and grammar seen by the public. This includes some books that pass for style guides in some offices.) In the case of “resumé,” there is a strong reason for making a change from the kingdom, historical spelling. As an English word, the spelling “résumé” seems inescapably awkward, given the actual English pronunciation of the word. That’s because writing two accents here gives conflicting cues to an English-speaker. With the English pronunciation, if the word is spelled with two accents, the same sign represents two different sounds in the same wordin the first syllable, ‘é’ is London School + Essay … pronounced like the short ‘e’ in bet, in the third syllable it is pronounced like the long ‘a’ in “may.” (That sort of ambiguity, of course, is notoriously common with English spellingbut not within the same word, and not with written accents. “Résumé,” as far as I know, is the only word used in buy essay English that presents an ambiguous case with written accents, so there is no group of similar cases that can constitute a generally accepted rule for pronunciation. A native familiarity with English spelling doesn’t help us in the case of relatively recent foreign borrowings like this.)
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It is an + Essay …, ad hoc, unhistorical improvisation of the sort that has long been used in social achieved by income redistribution a few exceptional cases where historical spellings and + Essay …, normal spelling conventions yield results that are consistently felt as awkward even by practiced English-speakers. Another instance of such unhistorical improvisation that is buy essay sometimes seen is the spelling “uncoordinated” (with a diaeresis over the second ‘o’). Regular English spelling conventions call for “uncoordinated,” which, as with “coordinated,” suggests a wrong pronunciation (and makes an American think of light beer). The usual device of a hyphen (as in “co-ordinated”) yields “unco-ordinated.” This looks even worse than “uncoordinated” since, especially if one is being historically conscious, only prefixes allow the School, option of hyphenation, because they are grammatically distinct. But unlike “co-,” “unco” is not a prefix. (As readers of Robert Burns know, it can stand alone as an paper, adjective or adverbbut that’s Scots, not standard English.) “Unco-” in “uncoordinated” is, to be sure, a joining of two prefixes. London School? But since combinations of two prefixes are somewhat unusual, and buy research online justice is not achieved, their separation from the main word by School + Essay, hyphens quite rare, “unco-,” when first seen, prompts the mind to try to interpret it as a single prefix, which leads to three mile island essay, a dead end.
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The anglicized pronunciation (“REH-zoo-may”), however, is still correct for this sense when used in English speech. Using the Frenchified English “RAY-zoo-may” is also an option, especially if it’s being thought of as a borrowed French word. Like most English “French,” it’s really a half measure. Essay? However, pronouncing the ‘r’ à la française would be going too far, if you’re speaking English. English-speaking listeners who don’t know French well will think you have something wrong with your throat. + Essay? Those who do know French well will think, quite correctly, that the hypercorrect pronunciation is an essay meister discount, affectation. Office hours: MondayFriday, noon6 Central Time. Evening and weekend telephone availability by appointment or chance. Outside office hours, leave message: I’ll respond ASAP.
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